Forests of Sheka
Multidisciplanary case studies on impacts of
landuse/landcover changes,
Southwest Ethiopia

Edited by
Masresha Fetene

MELCA Mahiber 2007

During 2005-2006, a multidisciplinary team (foresters, environmental lawyers, and a social anthropologist) conducted a study on the effect of investment and other changes both on the Sheka forest and the culture of the local community. The following analysis results from their study.

1.  Change on forest cover: Remote sensing, GIS and satellite pictures were reviewed from two selected areas, one bordering the East African Tea Plantation and the other bordering the Gemadro Coffee Plantation. These two areas also correspond to the land collectively owned by four kebeles, Uwa, Keja-Chewaka, Welo and Beto.

Dense forest cover has dropped significantly from about 60% in 1973 to 20% by 2005, while the cover of disturbed forest, agriculture, and plantations has increased from about 0% to 30%, 5% to 10%, and 0% to 8% of the total land cover respectively. Conversion to agriculture, plantation and widespread disturbance are the major causes of changes in land cover in the four kebeles around the East African Tea Plantation.
The extent of forest cover change around Gemadro coffee plantation is even worse. By 1973, dense forest covered about 78% of the total area and had dropped to only 16% by 2005. The cover type of agriculture/tree mosaic, which actually represents the coffee plantation in this case, has increased from almost nil to 33%. Forest disturbance and conversion to agriculture have also increased significantly.

The highest deforestation rate was observed in Gemadro, with annual deforestation rate of about 12.2% percent per year. Deforestation is aggravated since farmers and other small investment projects are expanding coffee plantation in the areas since the establishment of the Gemadro Coffee Plantation.

2. Cover changes and biodiversity:  The study also showed that the forests in Masha and Anderacha Woredas are very rich in plant species composition. Around 190 species were recorded from a single visit to forests bordering the tea plantation. Similarly, around 180 species were recorded in Gemadro forest, bordering the Gemadro coffee plantation. These areas are very important for threatened species like Prunus africana and rare and endemic species like Canarina abyssinica.

Conversion of forests to other land uses has significantly reduced the diversity of plants in the area. Forest conversion to monocultures of tea and eucalyptus plantation is even more devastating than agriculture. On agricultural plots, farmers normally leave some trees, and very often there are diverse species on farm plot boundaries; and in agricultural landscapes, steep slope areas are always kept under forest cover. However in tea plantations even steep slopes are cleared and planted with eucalyptus for fuel.

Compared to other coffee production systems in Ethiopia, the Gemadro is very destructive, almost like cereal crop based agriculture. In traditionally managed forest coffee-growing areas in south-western Ethiopia, about 300 trees/ha of diverse species are left as shade trees. In Gemadro, however, no more than 20 shade trees/ha, representing very few species of nativetrees, are left as shade for coffee. Most of the native trees were cleared and gave way to exotic species like Sesbania sesban, a temporary shade during establishment.

Farmers and smaller investment projects are picking up the practice of conversion of natural forest to coffee plantation. Since maximizing coffee production is the main goal, high yield cultivars that are less dependent on shade are used for plantation establishment.

3. Culture and natural resource managment: The community in the two Kebeles around the East African tea plantation was the focus of a case study into culture and natural resource managment. The communities in the area have a strong relation with their natural environment and have developed their own way of natural resource managment. For the Sheka people the forest is everything; it is a source of several non-timber forest products (NTFPs), especially honey, spices and construction materials; it is a habitat for wild animals that can be huted for food; it is religious site where they worship; it is a burial ground and site of their ancestors; it is land to be inherited by descendants.

Cultural forests, wetlands, riverine forest and waterfalls are traditional religious sites and hence protected by imposing resource and habitat taboos through the guudo (cultural forest used as a place for worship) and deddo (large tree under which prayer or religious ceremony is conducted) beliefs. The Shakichos (The Sheka people) strongly believe in the relationship between the wetlands, rivers and forests in their environment, and their resource management concept is based upon maintaining this interrelationship.

Their social organization also makes it possible to manage the different categories of the environment. Recent changes in institutions, forest cover and religion have affected peoples’ perception towards forest resources and resource management. Previously both customary and government forest management were in the hands of clan leaders. The clan leaders had the right to enforce compliance with taboos and restrictions related to the cultural forest. Clan leaders also imposed punishment on people involved in deforestation. Deforestation has worsened since 1997 as a result of the demarcation of forests, including cultural forest, as state forest. Large forest areas (Kobo land), cultural forests (guudo), burial places, wetlands and riverine forests along the Baro river were also given to investment tea plantations. Such respected sites were bulldozed in front of the eyes of local people, degrading their values, belief systems and feelings of responsibility. The farmers lost their Kobo forest land without compensation. They lost the major source of their livelihood: some migrated to Oromia, a neighbouring region, for shared honey production, and some became daily labourers on the tea farm.

Cultural changes due to immigrant workers have also brought on several social and economic crises. Theft, murder, domestic violence, and related crimes are becoming common, as there are people of unknown background coming to the plantation area. Transmission of various epidemics, marriage dissolution and family disintegration are on the rise. Stealing honey and bee hives has become commonplace, which is a danger for traditional kobo management.

4. Legal and institutional framework:  At present there are many examples of policies and laws concerning environment and community rights that contradict each other. These include the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) Law (3rd Dec. 2002) and Investment Law (2nd July 2002). Institutional structures at different levels are weak, inefficient and poorly organized to implement policies. There is also often a mismatch between duties and responsibilities of these state institutions. The malfunctioning of these different institutions has also contributed to widespread disrespect of community rights.

Significantly, a number of progressive international laws and conventions have also been ratified or adopted by Ethiopia. These include Article 8j of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD).  In addition other international documents including the Akwe Kon Guidelines during CBD COP-7, Chapters 10, 15 and 26 of Agenda 21, the UN Draft Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and the Mälmo Ministerial Declaration (2000), affirm the rights of indigenous peoples to their knowledge, practices and innovations, and recognize the value of their knowledge for sustainable development, and their right to participate in decisions that affect their lives and livelihoods. The Ethiopian government, through Article 9 of the (21st August 1995) Constitution, is bound to these international agreements. In practice, though, these are not being enforced

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